For 2024 Republican Party contenders, Israel is their true Iowa.
And when it comes to tongue kissing the Big Tuchus, Ron DeSantis has elbowed through the clown car of candidates to successfully reach the front of the parade.
With polls showing the inchoate presidential prospect behind Donald Trump by up to 40 points, DeSantis’ campaign has gone all in on Jew. One disturbing moment was when the governor signed a Florida law, HB 269, at the “Museum of Tolerance” in the foreign city of Jerusalem, as if legislating to take away our civil liberties from another country is acceptable behavior.
This law can only be described as unAmerican. Promoted as a move towards combating “antisemitism,” HB 269 transforms our God-given right to hand out flyers criticizing those in power into a felony if a person of Jewish ancestry happens to see it. In the free state of Florida, today’s Thomas Paynes get thrown in prison.
His tour in Israel appears to have been designed to split Likudnik support for Trump, and the Jews are listening. Top Trump donor Miriam Adelson schmoozed with DeSantis at a dinner, alongside Israeli President Isaac Herzog and Trump 2016 campaign finance chairman Larry Mizel. He is quickly gaining their trust that he is the man for the job.
During his secret meetings with Trump’s Jewish and billionaire backers, DeSantis battles critiques that he is not competitive against the 45th President. But the Florida governor has several advantages that could make him more formidable than he looks.
The first is that the plutocracy is behind him. DeSantis is going into the presidential primary with a substantial campaign funding advantage over Trump before even formally announcing.
DeSantis’ state PAC, Friends of Ron DeSantis, raised over $120 million dollars from a mere 404 donors since 2018, with several giving in the six, seven and even eight figure range. The governor still possesses about $86 million of this corporate and banker money he didn’t use for his re-election campaign. The cash is now being carried over to his national campaign PAC, Never Back Down, even though federal election law limits contributions to Super PACs in a presidential primary to $3,300. This was a sneaky move strongly suspected to have been planned in advance to dodge campaign finance laws.
After watching the pricey debacles of Jeb Bush in 2016 and Michael Bloomberg’s $1 billion dollar failed run in 2020, a massive warchest is no longer a guarantee of success. But there are extraneous factors hurting Trump, such as popular disenchantment, leading to a big slow-down in small dollar donations that have only recently picked up following his New York indictment. The second DeSantis gains a bit of momentum, the billionaire money will come flooding in.
Candidates with comparatively poor funding like Trump have typically made up for it by depending on support from conservative media, as well as access to the public via social media. But the environment today is not what it was in 2016. Virtually all major conservative outlets are solidly behind DeSantis, while at the same time, social media and the internet as a whole is now tightly controlled and much of the conversation on it is as scripted as what you might hear on The Five.
The DeSantis campaign has been building upon this advantage, staying busy handing under the table bribes and bot farm hookups to the few “populist” and “far right” influencers that are allowed to speak. Twitter — which played a central role in Trump’s 2016 victory — is now in the hands of Elon Musk, who has already endorsed the governor’s presidential campaign. It remains to be seen whether Musk, who has demonstrated a willingness to pick winners and losers in what type of political message gets dumped on the masses, will work to tilt the scales in DeSantis’ favor.
The governor also enjoys less aggression from liberal and mainstream media compared to Trump. This is a similar dynamic to the experience of Ronald Reagan, who Republicans created a cult of personality around due to his relatively untarnished reputation, kept intact by the Jewish press pulling punches against the Gipper. Even when Reagan said things that would cause other politicians to be targeted, the controlled media did not plunge into total war mode, as they have with Trump.
The secret to the “Great Communicator’s” wins when politically sparring with the Jewish press is that they may have disliked his voters and aesthetic presentation, but supported his neo-conservative American Exceptionalism and pro-Wall Street presidency. There appeared to be a gentlemanly understanding that he had to sometimes go a bit out of bounds to rhetorically placate white and Christian voters upset with the country’s direction.
The “genius” of Reagan was in a series of index cards with pre-written one-liners he took everywhere that were organized to cover any situation. While Trump’s recent CNN performance shows him to be a natural born TV entertainer, there’s no reason that the gray and boring DeSantis can’t write down some witty applause lines to carry around when his handlers can’t save him.
On policy, DeSantis has done a better job than Trump when it comes to the former president’s specialty: looking like you’re doing something while doing nothing. The yawning gap between Trump’s 2016 radical campaign rhetoric and his conventional presidency is a 300 lb boulder he will be chained to on the debate stage. The DeSantis campaign has so far avoided attacking Trump, but it is expected that once they formally launch their bid for office they will take off the gloves and magnify Trump’s political failures on immigration, crime and his shamefully weak response to the 2020 Black Lives Matter riots
With the Florida legislative session having just ended this month, DeSantis has signed dozens of seemingly serious laws combating immigration, anti-white sentiment in schools, and several other issues that he believes could excite and placate various interest groups in the GOP coalition, especially those that typically align with Trump.
The problem for DeSantis is that many of his bold legislative achievements, after being promoted and celebrated and subjected to outrage in the national media, get quietly blocked in federal court and forgotten, as seen with his blockbuster “Stop WOKE Act.” The governor’s high profile stunt against Jewish controlled Disney has flopped in the court of public opinion. Legal experts expect the Disney monopoly will end up easily defeating DeSantis’ half-hearted reforms.
His latest bill, which expands the already frozen Stop WOKE Act, defunds anti-white diversity programs in Florida higher education. This initiative was either drawn up hastily or meant to fail. There is unnecessary language in the bill that violates the First Amendment rights of individual professors, which means it will be subject to an injunction as soon as it lands on a judge’s desk, just as with its predecessor.
DeSantis is no Huey Long. Much of his second term amounts to fleeting grandstanding and cynical resume building so that he can have something in his hand to wave at Trump in 2024.
DeSantis is trying to be everything to everyone, and this is why he struggles to win the trust of the anti-establishment right. Trump may be a fraud, but the elites seem to really hate him, so the anti-government white base of his support is permanent. In the end, if DeSantis does get to the oval office, he will rip off his populist “America First” mask and govern as a Zionist warmongering neo-liberal, as a cursory inspection of his Congressional record will show.
We should be prepared to expect anything in the clash between Trump and DeSantis, including the two men chasing the only issue that can get a Republican elected nationally: white identity politics. This could end up in mutually assured destruction that loses the GOP the presidential election before campaigning against Joe Biden even begins.
In the end, neither of these men move the ball forward or plan to do anything tangible outside of wasting our time and money. We’re not interested in buying what the Republican Party and the Israelis are selling. It’s time to completely rethink American politics, because time is running out.